The Brooke-Alexander amendment, which was passed in 1976, allows the United States to cut all non-humanitarian assistance to a country that falls into arrears for longer than a year.
Sullivan said: “Of course, it matters not just that Mugabe goes, but who comes. We do not recommend policy modification if Mugabe remains in power behind the scenes or if a transition government is headed by a “hard-liner” – at least until we discern which way the wind is blowing. It is possible that such a government would entrench itself and further restrict liberties.
“Even under a reformist government, we emphasize that there is no quick fix for Zimbabwe. It may take a decade of health growth before the economy returns to 1997 levels. Health and education systems might not reach mid-1990s levels for a generation, if ever.”
Like the GAZ, Sullivan saw great business opportunities for the United States in a post-Mugabe Zimbabwe.
“In a reform environment, we also recommend OPIC and ExIm Bank consider loan guarantees for projects that promote US exports and shore up Zimbabwe’s dilapidated infrastructure (in spite of existing arrears).
“This could involve badly-needed rejuvenation of General Electric locomotives at the National Railway of Zimbabwe, Caterpillar machines at coal-miner Wankie Colliery and Boeing jets at Air Zimbabwe.
“Furthermore, the country’s participation in African Growth and Opportunity (AGOA) sessions as an observer (with full admission following free and fair elections) would allow Zimbabwean firms to plan a reentry into the U.S. market. (Most U.S.-bound textile production here has migrated to AGOA countries.)
“We should also explore possibilities for including Zimbabwe in free trade negotiations with the Southern Africa Customs Union,” he said.
When the Global Alliance for Zimbabwe was registered, it was widely expected that Zimbabwe would hold its elections in 2012.
The elections were long overdue as the Global Agreement under which the transitional government was established at the beginning of 2009 stated that elections should be held in 18 months.
But 2012 came and went. The GAZ, indeed, remained active, filing its annual returns in March 2012. But that was it. It never filed any further returns until its registration was revoked.
This was clearly not due to lack of funds as the organisation paid only $80 to file its returns in 2012. This was probably because it was difficult to implement its goals since the MDC-T lost the 2013 elections dismally, winning only 70 of the 270 seats, 49 of them constituency seats and 21 reserved for women.
The situation was worsened by the split in the party in early 2014. Bennett was one of those who parted ways with party president Morgan Tsvangirai.
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