Labour politics in Zimbabwe is dirty and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions’ current leadership is undemocratic, selfish and controlling.
This was said two years ago by United States ambassador to Zimbabwe James McGee in a cable dispatched in April 2009, two months after the Movement for Democratic Change entered into an inclusive government with the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front.
The cable said while the ZCTU affiliates still maintained the appearance of solidarity with international observers they were unhappy with the ZCTU’s efforts to advance labour in Zimbabwe.
Full cable:
Viewing cable 09HARARE276, LABOR ANALYSIS: ZCTU’S INTERNAL STRUGGLES (PART 2
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Reference ID |
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VZCZCXRO7711
OO RUEHBZ RUEHDU RUEHMR RUEHRN
DE RUEHSB #0276/01 0921400
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 021400Z APR 09
FM AMEMBASSY HARARE
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 4312
INFO RUCNSAD/SOUTHERN AF DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY COLLECTIVE
RUEHAR/AMEMBASSY ACCRA 2747
RUEHDS/AMEMBASSY ADDIS ABABA 2869
RUEHRL/AMEMBASSY BERLIN 1315
RUEHBY/AMEMBASSY CANBERRA 2134
RUEHDK/AMEMBASSY DAKAR 2490
RUEHKM/AMEMBASSY KAMPALA 2917
RUEHNR/AMEMBASSY NAIROBI 5358
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC
RUZEJAA/JAC MOLESWORTH RAF MOLESWORTH UK
RHMFISS/EUCOM POLAD VAIHINGEN GE
RHEFDIA/DIA WASHDC
RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA 2036
RHEHAAA/NSC WASHDC
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 05 HARARE 000276
SIPDIS
AF/S FOR B. WALCH
DRL FOR N. WILETT AND T. DANG
ADDIS ABABA FOR USAU
ADDIS ABABA FOR ACSS
STATE PASS TO USAID FOR J. HARMON AND L. DOBBINS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/02/2019
TAGS: PGOV PREL ASEC PHUM KDEM ELAB ZI
SUBJECT: LABOR ANALYSIS: ZCTU’S INTERNAL STRUGGLES (PART 2
OF 2)
REF: A. HARARE 275
¶B. 07 HARARE 1004
Classified By: Ambassador James D. McGee for reason 1.4 (b) and (d).
——-
SUMMARY
——-
¶1. (SBU) This is the second in a two-part series analyzing
the labor movement in Zimbabwe. Part one (Ref A) examined
the history of the labor movement and the current struggles
unions are facing. Part two examines the internal political
struggles within the labor movement and its relationship with
the MDC leadership.
¶2. (C) As the largest force for workers’ rights in Zimbabwe
since independence, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
(ZCTU) has transformed itself from an appendage of the
ZANU-PF government in the early 1980s, to an opposition force
throughout the 1990s, and now is closely affiliated with the
MDC. Labor politics in Zimbabwe, however, are dirty, and
ZCTU’s current leadership has been described by its own
affiliates as undemocratic, selfish, and controlling. While
still maintaining the appearance of solidarity with
international observers, ZCTU affiliate unions are unhappy
with ZCTU’s efforts to advance labor in Zimbabwe. END
SUMMARY.
———————————————
ZCTU Leaders: Motivated by Politics or Power?
———————————————
¶3. (C) ZCTU has evolved from a tool of ZANU-PF in the early
1980s, to an opposition force in the 1990s, to a close ally
of the MDC for the last decade (Ref A). In 2000, now-Prime
Minister Mogan Tsvangirai ended his 11-year tenure as the
ZCTU’s Secretary General to form the MDC, taking a host of
labor leaders with him and creating a leadership vacuum
within ZCTU. In a meeting on March 26, ZCTU’s Secretary
General Wellington Chibebe — who initially worked in a
railway union — unconvincingly explained to poloffs that he
didn’t really want to be selected Secretary General at ZCTU’s
2001 conference, but he grudgingly accepted when it appeared
no one else would step up to the position. At the 2001 ZCTU
General Conference the other prominent leadership role was
filled by Lovemore Matombo as President.
¶4. (C) While the two are widely touted by international
labor movements as heroes and champions of labor rights, they
are controversial figures within the labor movement in
Zimbabwe. Union leaders described strained relationships
between the two and factions within ZCTU that follow each
leader. Notably, Tsvangirai reportedly retains a closer
relationship with Matombo.
¶5. (C) Several leaders we spoke with question whether
Matombo and Chibebe are motivated by a desire to help workers
or political power and international recognition. On March
18, Raymond Majongwe, Secretary General of the Progressive
Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) — who admitted he does
not get along with Chibebe — told us that he and other
affiliates are upset that ZCTU has not taken significant
action to challenge either the government or the MDC in the
Qaction to challenge either the government or the MDC in the
last year. He admitted ZCTU has issued some statements, but
complained that they haven’t “actually done anything” in the
last year. Majongwe opined that Chibebe and Matombo are more
motivated by international travel and fame than continuing
ZCTU’s role as a vocal and visible force calling for human
rights and improved work conditions.
HARARE 00000276 002 OF 005
¶6. (C) On March 19, Matthew Takaona, President of the
Zimbabwe Union of Journalists, also complained to us that
ZCTU had become too quiet in seeking political interventions
in the last couple years. He said that ZCTU has been
reluctant to launch interventions or protests against the
cash shortages, school closures, and political violence in
¶2008. He opined that ZCTU has grown overly dependent on its
sister organization, the Congress of South African Trade
Unions (COSATU) to make public statements and push for
regional pressure on Zimbabwe.
——————————————— —
Vote Rigging Allegations within ZCTU Leadership
——————————————— —
¶7. (C) Some labor leaders report that the current
“undemocratic” Executive Council resulted from a questionable
election at the 2006 ZCTU General Conference. Wellington
Likukuma, Secretary General of the Zimbabwe Bankers and
Allied Workers Union; Tonderai Kanengoni, Deputy Secretary
General of the Transportation and General Workers Union, and
Majongwe told us separately between March 16 and 26 that
First Vice President Lucia Matibenga had severely exaggerated
the membership of her union to gain more votes in the 2006
ZCTU elections. All three told us that Matibenga had bought
the Executive Council by claiming her union had a membership
of 42,000 employees rather than its actual membership of
around 15,000. (NOTE: In electing the leadership at the
General Conference every five years, each affiliate is
allocated one vote per 1,000 union members. END NOTE.)
¶8. (C) By inflating the size of her union and exploiting her
close relationship to Matombo, Matibenga ensured that she was
elected First Vice President. According to Majongwe,
Likukuma, and Kanengoni, the majority of the nine-member ZCTU
Executive is beholden to Matibenga as a result of the 2006
election. The current leadership will remain until the next
ZCTU General Conference, scheduled for 2011. (NOTE: Matibenga
is a controversial figure and faced allegations of rigging
votes in the MDC Women’s Assembly as well (Ref. B). END NOTE.)
¶9. (C) Majongwe further criticized the Executive Council for
its notable exclusion of representatives of civil servants,
who comprise a majority of the formal labor force. The
Employers, Confederation of Zimbabwe estimated in mid-March
that just 6 percent of Zimbabweans work in the formal
economy; 80 percent of whom work for the Zimbabwean
government. Separately, the Ministry of Finance told us
civil servants make up half of the formally employed. Based
on these estimates, only 1 percent to 3 percent of
Zimbabweans work in the formal private sector. (NOTE: Because
the Public Service Act, which governs public sector
employees, does not allow government workers the right to
collective bargaining, there are no strong unions for civil
servants other than teachers. END NOTE.)
——————————————— —
Q——————————————– —-
Little Public Action Since Violent 2006 Protests
——————————————— —
¶10. (C) In the 1990s and early 2000s, ZCTU spearheaded
numerous large and effective stay-aways and marches, often
resulting in repeated arrests, beatings, and sometimes
torture by security forces. ZCTU’s current leadership has
been arrested and beaten on numerous occasions, although
since 2006, there have been few large public rallies led by
ZCTU. During protests in September 2006 calling for living
wages and anti-retroviral drugs for those living with HIV,
Chibebe, Matombo, Matibenga and other labor leaders were
arrested and then brutally beaten and tortured by police.
Chibebe showed us the scars from the plate placed in his
HARARE 00000276 003 OF 005
forearm. He continues to suffer pain and can no longer make
a fist with his left hand because of the injuries he
sustained in police custody. He told us that ZANU-PF
hardliner Didymus Mutasa, now Minister of State for
Presidential Affairs, had ordered their beating. In a
February meeting, Matibenga held up her arm that was broken
by police in 2006 and proclaimed she was tired of getting
beaten.
¶11. (SBU) Nevertheless, the 2006 protests and beatings
greatly increased the ZCTU leaders’ international recognition
and prominence, leading to travel, awards, and speaking
engagements for the leaders. The beatings also appear to
have served their purpose to discourage mass popular action
by ZCTU, as there have been few large or effective popular
protests by ZCTU since then.
——————
Where’s the Money?
——————
¶12. (C) When asked about ZCTU’s leadership, Likukuma shook
his head and described them as a “selfish lot.” He decried
the status of his union, which is suffering financially,
while ZCTU builds its relationships with international
organizations and fails to distribute assistance to other
unions. Takaona told us ZCTU had offered his union members
limited assistance in the last year: US$100 per month to
seven journalists who were fired from the Zimbabwe Broadcast
Company (ZBC) while their labor dispute drags on, and some
money to supplement the union’s rent. Kanengoni also
complained about a lack of funds coming from ZCTU, which he
believes has significant access to international resources.
(COMMENT: We doubt ZCTU has adequate resources to help all of
its affiliates. In our visits to ZCTU’s crowded offices,
modern computers are notably absent. END COMMENT.)
——————————————— —-
Attempts to Micromanage the Affiliates (and Us)
——————————————— —-
¶13. (C) Majongwe and Likukuma also explained that ZCTU has
at times interfered with affiliates’ activities and sought to
reign in “errant” messages. Majongwe, who is routinely
featured in the local and international and local press on
teacher’s issues — without seeking ZCTU permission —
believes ZCTU leadership seeks to neutralize his union (PTUZ)
by courting the alternative union, Zimbabwe Teachers’
Association (ZIMTA), to join ZCTU. As the larger of the two
teachers’ unions, ZIMTA’s votes could cancel out PTUZ’s at
future General Conference meetings. ZIMTA Chief Executive
Officer Sophiso Ndlovu told us that he believed by joining
ZCTU, ZIMTA would have increased access to funds through
ZCTU’s international partners.
¶14. (C) In the same vein, it is worth noting that our March
26 meeting with Chibebe began with a scolding. Chibebe
chided poloff that a February closed-door round-table of
labor leaders, which included poloffs, labor economist
Godfrey Kanyenze (who directs the research arm of ZCTU),
Majongwe, Matibenga, and the ZCTU Acting Secretary General,
QMajongwe, Matibenga, and the ZCTU Acting Secretary General,
should have been organized with the permission of ZCTU.
During the round-table at the Embassy, organized to introduce
a visiting poloff to labor issues, union and ZCTU leaders
openly disagreed about whether or not the MDC should join the
unity government.
¶15. (C) Although we viewed this as an open and healthy
debate at the time, Chibebe was clearly unhappy that we had
sought out other labor leaders’ opinions. He told us that
only the ZCTU executive can speak for ZCTU, “regardless of
HARARE 00000276 004 OF 005
what local affiliates think.” Fisseha Tekie of the
Solidarity Center, which works closely with Chibebe, also
told us that the round-table had stoked differences between
the labor leaders and we should engage ZCTU leadership and
the affiliate unions separately. We apologized to both Tekie
and Chibebe if we had offended them, but assured both that we
understood there were differences of opinion among labor
leaders about political issues, which is why we seek out
wide-ranging opinions.
————————————
Tsvangirai Seeks to Retain Influence
————————————
¶16. (C) According to several recent press reports,
Tsvangirai is considering naming Chibebe as governor of
Harare and Matibenga as governor of Masvingo. Chibebe
explained to us that he has not been formally asked to serve
as governor, and that the MDC has neither confirmed nor
denied the offer. Separately on March 26, Matibenga
confirmed that the MDC had offered her the position, although
political negotiations continue to leave Tsvangirai’s
candidates hanging while the issue of governorships remains
unresolved.
¶17. (C) In regard to the offers, Takaona opined that
Tsvangirai sought to remove Chibebe and Matibenga from ZCTU’s
Executive in favor of his closer ally, Matombo. In addition,
governorships are not especially powerful, and Takaona
believed that these appointments could be a means of
neutralizing Chibebe and Matibenga’s influence and power
without a formal power struggle. Matibenga claimed that she
would take the position if formally offered, although she
preferred to continue in her current role as an MP and member
of ZCTU’s Executive. She further explained Tsvangirai had
made the offer as a means to allay rumors of a continued rift
between her and Tsvangirai following his decision to dissolve
the MDC Women’s Assembly in 2007, which she led (Ref B).
(NOTE: Matibenga also serves on the International Labor
Organization’s Executive Council and would likely be forced
to resign if she accepted the governorship. END NOTE.)
———————————-
Dance With the One Who Brought You
———————————-
¶18. (C) COMMENT: ZCTU has mastered its international public
relations game, securing awards from international unions,
including several in the United States, and rightfully
gaining recognition for the persecution it has long suffered
at the hands of the ZANU-PF-led government. However, ZCTU
clearly has neglected its own foot soldiers in recent years
and engaged in ugly political infighting and power struggles.
None of the labor leaders we talked with spoke highly of
ZCTU’s leadership since Tsvangirai’s departure.
¶19. (C) Although ZCTU likely does not have the significant
resources affiliates would believe, perception is everything
and the suffering affiliates have little empathy for the ZCTU
executive’s inability to provide financial resources.
Qexecutive’s inability to provide financial resources.
Additionally, the close political relationship between the
Executive and the MDC and international community only add to
the belief that ZCTU should be able to provide resources to
its struggling member unions.
¶20. (C) In some ways, the affiliates’ comments about the
ZCTU Executive mirror complaints about MDC leaders who have
risen to prominence and then forget the “little guys” who
brought them to power in the first place. Since the MDC was
born of the labor movement, it is disappointing — but
perhaps not surprising — that ZCTU’s leadership would commit
HARARE 00000276 005 OF 005
the same mistake and neglect its own constituents. END
COMMENT.
MCGEE
(122 VIEWS)
