Most of the new senators elected when the upper house was reintroduced were ruling party hacks in office only to accumulate a salary and government-provided luxury cars which were going to cost the taxpayer US$4.5 million according to United States ambassador to Zimbabwe Christopher Dell.
Dell, however, said the senate included a precious few who, if given the right environment, could contribute to political and economic reform within Zimbabwe.
But under the prevailing set-up the upper house was unlikely to act as an effective driver of reform, despite the presence of some reform-minded individuals.
Full cable:
Viewing cable 05HARARE1680, THE NEW SENATORS: FEW GUIDING LIGHTS
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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 HARARE 001680
SIPDIS
AF/S FOR B. NEULING
SENIOR AFRICA DIRECTOR C. COURVILLE
E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/13/2015
SUBJECT: THE NEW SENATORS: FEW GUIDING LIGHTS
Classified By: Ambassador Christopher Dell for reasons 1.5 b/d
——-
Summary
——-
¶1. (C) By far the majority of the 66 new Senators are ruling
party hacks, in office only to accumulate a salary and
government-provided luxury cars, a fleet of which, according
to a state-controlled newspaper, will cost more than US$4.3
million at the overvalued official rate. Nonetheless, the
body also includes a precious few who, if given the right
environment, could contribute to political and/or economic
reform within Zimbabwe. However, as currently constituted
Zimbabwe,s recreated upper house is unlikely to act as an
effective driver of reform, despite the presence of some
reform-minded individuals. Below are biographic sketches of
the Senators who are known to Post and who either hold key
positions or could potentially serve as voices for reform )
admittedly this is a short list. Over the coming weeks, Post
will endeavor to learn more about the remaining – largely
unknown – Senators to see if there are other bastions of
hope. End Summary.
——————————-
Senate President Edna Madzongwe
——————————-
¶2. (C) A parliamentarian since 1990, Madzongwe is a
competent interlocutor who is eager to be seen as a leader on
gender issues. Madzongwe, who is also the ZANU-PF Deputy
Secretary for Production and Labour, has a long history of
SIPDIS
advancing women,s issues, but carries little clout on other
issues. The director of the SUNY parliamentary support
project, John Makamure, told Post that Madzongwe has often
been an obstacle to legislative reform, boding ill for the
establishment of the nascent Senate. In the same vein, MDC
Mayor of Chegutu Francis Dhlakama told Post that Madzongwe’s
Mashonaland West machine has been responsible for the
incessant harassment (violent demonstrations, arrests) that
have hamstrung his administration since his election in 2001.
¶3. (U) Closely aligned with Vice President Joyce Mujuru,
Madzongwe was in 1990 elected MP for Kadoma East and a year
later was appointed Deputy Minister for Education and
Culture, a Post she held for two years. In 1995, she became
the first female Deputy Speaker of Parliament. In 1989, she
was appointed ZANU-PF Deputy Secretary for Education, after
rising through the ruling party,s women,s league ranks.
Madzongwe joined the ZANU youth movement in 1966 and worked
to raise funds for the independence war in the United States,
where she was a student.
¶4. (U) Madzongwe attended Salvation Army School in Harare
and Mhofu Primary in Highfield for her primary education,
before proceeding to Goromonzi Secondary from 1959-62. She
attended Quinsigamond Community College in Massachusetts from
1966-68, where she earned an Associate degree in liberal arts
and then proceeded to Worcester State College from 1969-1972
where she earned a Bachelor degree with a major in English
and a minor in Psychology. From 1976-1980 she attended the
University of Massachusetts and earned a Master degree in
Educational Psychology. Born on July 11, 1945 in Zvimba
(President Mugabe’s home town), Madzongwe is widowed and has
three sons. Madzongwe maintains a blood relation to
President Mugabe. Her mother is from the Samkange family,
widely regard as a part of Zimbabwe,s &struggle
aristocracy8 because of their prominence in colonial era
nationalist politics.
————————————-
Senate Deputy President Naison Ndlovu
————————————-
¶5. (C) Naison Ndlovu,s elevation to Deputy President
appears to be calculated to bolster ZANU-PF,s hand in
Matabeleland South, where the ruling party swept all the
Senatorial seats. Also the ZANU-PF Secretary for Production
and Labor, Ndlovu was elected as the upper house
representative for Insiza. Ndlovu served as Deputy Speaker
of Parliament between 1990 and 1995. Makamure described
Ndlovu as an average parliamentarian and, like Madzongwe,
unlikely to push for reform. He noted, however, that Ndlovu
had often been at odds with other ZANU-PF MPS. A former
leader in ZAPU, the Ndebele-based rival to Robert Mugabe’s
ZANU, he served as its national chairman between 1980 and
1987, when the two parties merged to form ZANU-PF. He also
served as Bulawayo,s first black mayor. During the war for
independence he was twice jailed for his activities, the
first between 1965 and 1968, and again from 1973 to 1975.
Ndlovu was born in 1930.
———————————–
Senator Dzikamai Mavhaire, Masvingo
———————————–
¶6. (C) Mavhaire,s nomination ) and subsequent victory – on
the ruling party ticket for the Masvingo Senate seat marked
this maverick,s political rehabilitation following his
suspension from the party leadership when he called for
Mugabe’s resignation in 1998. An ally of the Zvogbo family
in the factional politics of ZANU-PF in Masvingo province,
Mavhaire has been in the doldrums, outside mainstream
politics for years. Mavhaire commends a large following in
Karanga-dominated Masvingo province. By nominating him for
Senate, Mugabe was probably attempting to divide Karanga
support for Emmerson Mnangagwa, the political rival of his
heir-apparent, Vice President Mujuru. Historically open to
Embassy contact, Mavhaire is an independent voice that has
been highly critical of flawed government policies. SUNY
interlocutors expect him to provide a voice of reason in the
upper house and to contribute to the reform process.
¶7. (U) Before his suspension from the party, Mavhaire was
the ZANU-PF Provincial Chairman for Masvingo. He served as
Governor of Masvingo Pronvince from 1984 to 1989. Prior to
that, he was Deputy Minister of Industry and Energy
Development (1982-1983).
——————————————— ———–
Senator Aguy Clement Georgias, Non-Constituent Appointee
——————————————— ———–
¶8. (C) Georgias,s deep pockets and showy praise for Mugabe
and ZANU-PF probably secured him his seat in the Senate. The
owner of Trinity Engineering, Georgias, however, has a
reputation for being outspoken regarding the state of the
economy. SUNY reports that he has contributed to budget
seminars and monetary policy statements. A prominent
industrialist from Chihvu, Georgias has helped develop the
legal code governing businesses by bringing questions before
the courts regarding interest rates and lending contracts.
Despite his party ties, this young, vibrant, results-oriented
businessman could prove to be a young turk. Georgias,
however, fits the profile of past business executives that
ZANU-PF has brought into the fold in a mutually exploitive
relationship as long as it suited the party elite’s interests.
¶9. (C) Mugabe likely also intended Georgias,s appointment
as a nod to the country,s colored community. Georgias,
however, is actually a black Zimbabwean, hailing from the
Zezuru subgroup of the dominate Shona ethnicity, just like
Mugabe. During the colonial era, Georgias, like many other
lighter-skinned blacks, adopted a European name ) in Aguy,s
case the family name of the white man who taught him to be a
welder ) to gain higher social and legal standing.
Georgias, true ethnic background is reportedly known only to
a few ruling party insiders. He is married to a woman of
mixed race. Fellow Senator Mahere told Post that Georgias
likes to flirt with women by saying that his name is
&Gorgeous.8
——————————————— —
Senator Sheila Mahere, Non-Constituent Appointee
——————————————— —
¶10. (C) The most surprising addition to the Senate, Sheila
Mahere is a long-time Embassy contact and the director of
Musasa Project, a Democracy and Human Rights Fund grant
recipient that works with battered women. She has been a
vocal regime critic on gender issues and professed surprise
to Post when Mugabe asked her take a seat in the upper house.
Mahere told us that Vice President Mujuru and Minister of
Women,s Affairs Muchinguri suggested her nomination and that
she intended to place women,s rights at the forefront of the
Senate,s agenda. She nonetheless expressed concern that her
appointment would be ill received by other civil society
leaders and the donor community and, in fact, several of
Post,s NGO contacts have expressed fears that she has been
co-opted.
¶11. (C) Mahere is the daughter of liberation war leader and
former Cabinet member Morris Nyagumbo, who committed suicide
in 1989 after being implemented in the famous &Willowgate8
scandal. Although divorced, Mahere said she retains her
married name so as not to ride on her father,s coattails.
Growing up during the liberation struggle, Mahere spent most
of her childhood going between the camps in Zambia and school
in the UK; she told Post that she rarely saw her father. She
received a degree with honors in law from Leicester
University (UK) in 1988. Returning to Zimbabwe only after
her father,s death, she earned a second law degree (in 1991)
and her MBA (in 2000) from the University of Zimbabwe. She
has extensive legal experience, including stints as a public
prosecutor (1990-1993), magistrate (1993-1995), and senior
magistrate (1995-1997). Born on April 27, 1958, she enjoys
reading, cooking, and gardening. She has three children.
DELL
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