The Mutambara faction of the Movement for Democratic Change will not maintain its 10 seats in the next election a Bulawayo civic leader said.
Reason Ngwenya, the chairman of the Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association, said people were questioning why MDC-M cabinet officials had been appointed after losing their parliamentary elections.
Party leader Arthur Mutambara, Minister for Regional Trade and Integration Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Minister of Industry and Commerce Welshman Ncube, all lost the elections.
Full cable:
Viewing cable 09HARARE938, BULAWAYO’S SUPPORT FOR MDC-T GROWING; ECONOMIC
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Reference ID |
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Classification |
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VZCZCXRO6414
OO RUEHBZ RUEHDU RUEHMR RUEHRN
DE RUEHSB #0938/01 3371334
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 031334Z DEC 09
FM AMEMBASSY HARARE
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 5177
INFO RUCNSAD/SOUTHERN AF DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY COLLECTIVE
RUEHAR/AMEMBASSY ACCRA 3184
RUEHDS/AMEMBASSY ADDIS ABABA 3294
RUEHRL/AMEMBASSY BERLIN 1721
RUEHBY/AMEMBASSY CANBERRA 2555
RUEHDK/AMEMBASSY DAKAR 2924
RUEHKM/AMEMBASSY KAMPALA 3342
RUEHNR/AMEMBASSY NAIROBI 5790
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC
RUZEJAA/JAC MOLESWORTH RAF MOLESWORTH UK
RHMFISS/EUCOM POLAD VAIHINGEN GE
RHEFDIA/DIA WASHDC
RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA 2473
RHEHAAA/NSC WASHDC
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 HARARE 000938
SIPDIS
AF/S FOR B. WALCH
DRL FOR N. WILETT
G/TIP FOR R. YOUSEY AND J. SIGMON
ADDIS ABABA FOR USAU
ADDIS ABABA FOR ACSS
NSC FOR SENIOR AFRICA DIRECTOR M. GAVIN
E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/03/2019
TAGS: PGOV PHUM PREL ELAB ECON KDEM ASEC ZI
SUBJECT: BULAWAYO’S SUPPORT FOR MDC-T GROWING; ECONOMIC
HARDSHIP CONTINUES
Classified By: Ambassador Charles A. Ray for reasons 1.4 (d).
——-
SUMMARY
——-
¶1. (C) During a recent visit to Bulawayo, we met with
representatives from a number of civic organizations to take
the political and social temperature in this anti-ZANU-PF
stronghold. We were pleasantly surprised that civic groups
have experienced significantly less harassment since the
formation of the inclusive government. Tensions on the
street and in offices were noticeably less than in Harare.
Throughout our conversations, it was evident that Zimbabweans
in Ndebele-dominated western Zimbabwe remain disenchanted
with ZANU-PF, and trust neither the recently-revived ZAPU
party nor Arthur Mutambara’s MDC-M. Increasingly, residents
are developing more confidence in MDC-T, although some are
still uncertain if they can trust a party led by a Shona,
Morgan Tsvangirai. While political negotiations grind along,
residents are most concerned about economic hardship caused
by dollarization of wages, randification of prices, and
factory slowdowns that have left many without paychecks in
several months. END SUMMARY.
———————————-
Gukurahundi Bitterness Resulted in
Tribally-Driven Political Loyalty
———————————-
¶2. (C) During a trip to Bulawayo November 24-26, we visited
with numerous civil society leaders to discuss ongoing issues
in Matabeleland and the local perspective on national
politics. Most residents of the ethnic-Ndebele stronghold of
Bulawayo never trusted ZANU-PF or Robert Mugabe. For many,
that distrust turned into bitter hatred during the
Gukurahundi massacres in the early 1980s. (NOTE: The
Gukurahundi massacres were carried out by the notorious Fifth
Brigade of the Zimbabwean National Army, led by Air Marshal
Perence Shiri, to root out “insurgents” in 1982-1985.
Trained by the North Korean army, the Fifth Brigade killed
around 20,000 Zimbabweans, almost all Ndebele, in
Matabeleland North and South and Midlands provinces. END
NOTE.) Since the Ndebele-dominated ZAPU merged with Mugabe’s
ZANU in 1987, only to be “swallowed” by ZANU, as some say,
that distrust and hatred has been directed at ZANU-PF. We
were surprised that, 25 years after Gukurahundi, many of our
interlocutors continue to refer to it with seemingly fresh
anger and bitterness at wounds that were never healed. Apart
from the pain of the loss of loved ones, they remember that
security officials refused to allow many families to hold
memorial ceremonies for their relatives who were killed in
Gukurahundi.
¶3. (C) With the formation of the MDC in 2000, the
Ndebele-dominated provinces of Matabeleland North and South
and Bulawayo have increasingly voted for opposition
candidates. After Arthur Mutambara, Welshman Ncube, and
others (mostly Ndebele) split from MDC to form the pro-Senate
faction of the MDC (later headed by Mutambara) in 2005, many
Qfaction of the MDC (later headed by Mutambara) in 2005, many
Ndebele supported the faction, largely on ethnic lines. In
the March 2008 presidential and parliamentary elections, most
voters supported Tsvangirai and MDC-Tsvangirai parliamentary
candidates, although a number of MDC-Mutambara parliamentary
candidates were elected. The Mutambara faction did not field
a presidential candidate, and Simba Makoni, supported for
president by the Mutambara faction, officially received 8
percent of the vote. Mugabe and ZANU-PF candidates received
a relatively small percentage of the vote. One political
analyst at the NGO Radio Dialogue, described this as evidence
HARARE 00000938 002 OF 003
that people in rural areas of Matabeleland will vote for
“anyone” other than Robert Mugabe.
——————————–
Consolidate Behind Tsvangirai to
“Get Rid of the Old Man”
——————————–
¶4. (C) When we asked about support for Dumiso Dabengwa’s
revived ZAPU party, formed by a handful of original ZAPU
leaders who broke away from ZANU-PF earlier this year, some
laughed, some sighed, and none had anything nice to say about
ZAPU’s political future. Anastacia Moyo, director of the
influential NGO Bulawayo Agenda, said ZAPU was nothing more
than a few “disgruntled old men” who were interested in
material gain from starting a new party. She said they have
few members and little support from the people. The director
of Radio Dialogue, Father Nigel Johnson, described ZAPU’s
leadership as “leftover old farts” and “opportunists.”
Reason Ngwenya, the chairman of the Bulawayo Progressive
Residents Association (BPRA), said residents in their monthly
meetings in Bulawayo’s 29 different wards have expressed
concerns that ZAPU may actually be a ZANU-PF creation
designed to sap support for MDC-T. All dismissed ZAPU as a
tired relic from the past without a future.
¶5. (C) Turning the discussion to Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara and his faction, civic leaders had even fewer kind
words. Ngwenya predicted that Mutambara’s faction won’t even
maintain its current 10 seats in parliament in the next
election. He and others questioned why MDC-M cabinet
officials had been appointed after losing their parliamentary
elections (for example, Minister for Regional Trade and
Integration Priscilla Mishairabwi-Mushonga and Minister of
Industry and Commerce Welshman Ncube). When Mutambara
ejected four popular MPs from the party earlier this year,
reportedly for voting with MDC-T, many in Matabeleland
questioned Mutambara’s motives and came to believe that
perhaps Mutambara was secretly supportive of ZANU-PF. Moyo
told us that people distrusted Mutambara because he ran his
party without consulting his members, citing the ejected MPs
as evidence of his ‘dictatorial’ behavior. All agreed the
ejected MPs would likely win their seats when they run as
independent candidates — if and when a by-election is held.
¶6. (C) In commenting on ZAPU and MDC-M, most argued that now
is not the time for more factionalism and that those in
opposition to ZANU-PF should get behind Morgan Tsvangirai.
Moyo told us that it’s not yet time for another party.
Ngwenya agreed and said that it is important to have one
nationwide party to have a forceful opposition to President
Mugabe and ZANU-PF. They opined that perhaps once Mugabe is
dead, there would be room for other political parties.
———————-
Calm Prevails Over the
Peaceful, Clean City
———————-
¶7. (C) In stark contrast to many political civic groups in
Q7. (C) In stark contrast to many political civic groups in
Harare, no one in Bulawayo provided us with special
instructions for visiting their offices (e.g. one NGO in
Harare asks us to not park an embassy vehicle in front of its
building when we visit), and few had the tight security
typical of controversial civics in Harare. In general, a
peaceful calm seemed to prevail in our meetings and on the
streets. We didn’t see any police roadblocks in town or much
of a security presence at all, a pleasant contrast from
Harare. Bulawayans are proud of their city and have
maintained significant control over it. Importantly,
HARARE 00000938 003 OF 003
Bulawayo never ceded control of its water supply to the
national parastatal, the Zimbabwe National Water Authority
(ZINWA). Consequently, the decay and neglect that ZINWA
wreaked on other cities’ water supply did not affect
Bulawayo. Although Bulawayo still has water problems (the
pumping capacity from the reservoir is inadequate for
demand), residents have more reliable water supplies than in
Harare and they are more willing to pay their bills. BPRA
officials told us that residents often negotiate payment
plans for their water if they can’t pay the full bill, an
arrangement officials take great pains to accommodate. In
contrast, hundreds of residents in Harare have had their
water unceremoniously cut off for lack of payment.
————————–
Under Blanket of Calm,
Economic Hardship Prevails
————————–
¶8. (SBU) Given Bulawayo’s proximity to and close economic
ties with South Africa, it is not surprising that the South
African rand is widely accepted currency. However, some
accuse local businesses of manipulating the exchange rate to
boost profits, eroding the purchasing power of salaries paid
in U.S. dollars. Percy Mcijo, the regional director of the
national labor organization the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU), told us that local shops price goods in rand
and then charge customers in U.S. dollars based on a sliding
exchange rate. In our encounters around town, we saw
exchange rates that varied between 5 and 10 rand to the
dollar, with most charging 7.5 rand for one U.S. dollar,
which is about right.
¶9. (SBU) Despite Bulawayo’s historic importance as a center
for industry, many once-vibrant local companies are
struggling. Mcijo told us that workers at several local
factories were striking after not receiving wages for three
months. At Mespin, a local textile company, workers were
campaigning for local companies to buy Mespin’s products
rather than foreign-made textiles. Mespin workers, who make
roughly USD 150 per month, hadn’t been paid in three months.
At National Blankets, a factory Mcijo said was partially
owned by ZANU-PF, workers hadn’t been paid in three months
either. A municipal librarian attending an embassy-organized
training session also reported he hadn’t received his salary
in several months.
——-
COMMENT
——-
¶10. (C) Bulawayo has long stood in contrast to Harare, both
ethnically and politically. As time goes on, it will be
interesting to see if the Ndebele, understandably leery of
Shona politicians, will come to wholeheartedly back
Tsvangirai or if they will parse their votes among smaller
Anybody-But-ZANU-PF parties with an eye towards supporting
Ndebele candidates. The calm and relative normalcy that has
re-emerged in Bulawayo is encouraging and also serves as an
example of what a city can do when it refuses to accept
unacceptable national initiatives, like its refusal to allow
Qunacceptable national initiatives, like its refusal to allow
ZINWA to control the water supply. The economic hardships
and unpaid wages at once-thriving companies are a reminder
that as Zimbabwe’s economy collapsed, many businesses have
remained unprepared to deal with the new challenges of
dollarization and foreign competition. END COMMENT.
RAY
(20 VIEWS)
