The leader of the smaller faction of the Movement for Democratic Change Arthur Mutambara said although founding MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai deserved a place of honour in the fight for democracy, he had become a “little Mugabe”.
He said this when he was elected leader of the pro-senate faction of the MDC in 2006, terming himself the anti-senate leader of the pro-senate faction of the MDC.
Mutambara said though, like Tsvangirai, he was against the senate and even advocated pulling out of parliament, unlike Tsvangirai he would not have overturned the national council’s initial decision to contest the senate elections and would have accepted majority rule.
Full cable:
Viewing cable 06HARARE263, MUTAMBARA ELECTED PRO-SENATE FACTION LEADER,
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|
Reference ID |
Created |
Released |
Classification |
Origin |
VZCZCXRO5341
RR RUEHMR
DE RUEHSB #0263/01 0611650
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
R 021650Z MAR 06
FM AMEMBASSY HARARE
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 9676
INFO RUCNSAD/SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY
RUEHUJA/AMEMBASSY ABUJA 1124
RUEHAR/AMEMBASSY ACCRA 0956
RUEHDS/AMEMBASSY ADDIS ABABA 1130
RUEHBY/AMEMBASSY CANBERRA 0390
RUEHDK/AMEMBASSY DAKAR 0750
RUEHKM/AMEMBASSY KAMPALA 1183
RUEHNR/AMEMBASSY NAIROBI 3526
RUEHFR/AMEMBASSY PARIS 0956
RUEHRO/AMEMBASSY ROME 1584
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC
RUFGNOA/HQ USEUCOM VAIHINGEN GE
RUFOADA/JAC MOLESWORTH RAF MOLESWORTH UK
RUEKDIA/DIA WASHDC
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
RUEHBS/USEU BRUSSELS
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 1339
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 HARARE 000263
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
AF/S FOR B. NEULING
SENIOR AFRICA DIRECTOR C. COURVILLE
E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/02/2015
SUBJECT: MUTAMBARA ELECTED PRO-SENATE FACTION LEADER,
CHARTS OWN COURSE
REF: A. REF A: HARARE 227
¶B. REF B: HARARE 215
Classified By: Ambassador Christopher Dell for reasons 1.5 b/d
——-
Summary
——-
¶1. (C) Arthur Mutambara was elected President of the
Pro-Senate faction of the MDC during its Congress on February
¶25. In his speech accepting the post, Mutambara praised
Morgan Tsvangirai as a Zimbabwean hero but chastised him for
becoming a “little Mugabe.” Speaking primarily to a domestic
audience, Mutambara highlighted nationalist themes and said
the MDC was the rightful heir to the liberation war
tradition. Beyond Mutambara’s fiery speech, however, the
Congress left little to inspire the crowd of more than 3,000,
who were angered at the lack of accommodation and delays in
receiving their promised meals.
¶2. (C) Immediately after the Congress, Mutambara began
reaching out to civil society leaders, who have largely
backed Tsvangirai’s faction. Mutambara’s acceptance speech
contradicted many of the positions of the faction’s
leadership, especially his opposition to the Senate and his
call for MDC reunification, and could herald a difficult
relationship with Welshman Ncube and others as Mutambara
seeks to put his stamp on the faction. End Summary.
———————————
Few Surprises in Election Results
———————————
¶3. (SBU) As widely expected (ref B), South Africa-based
intellectual Arthur Mutambara won the presidency of the
Pro-Senate faction after Deputy Secretary General Gift
Chimanikire stepped aside. In return, Chimanikire was
unanimously awarded the position of national chairman.
Secretary General Welshman Ncube, Vice President Gibson
SIPDIS
Sibanda, and Treasurer Fletcher Dulini-Ncube all unanimously
retained their positions.
¶4. (C) The Congress marked the first time that women have
been elected to top positions within the opposition party.
Glen Norah MP Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga garnered
support from nine of the 12 provinces to become the faction’s
deputy secretary general. Former MDC Women’s Assembly
official Miriam Mushayi was elected to the new post of deputy
treasurer, which was likely created to compensate for
Dulini-Ncube’s poor performance as treasurer.
——————————————— —
Mutambara Gently Criticizes Tsvangirai, Embraces Nationalism
——————————————— —
¶5. (U) In his acceptance speech (e-mailed to AF/S), an
energetic Mutambara confronted the intra-party divide head on
and pledged to work toward reunification. Mutambara said
Tsvangirai “deserves a place of honor in the fight for
SIPDIS
democracy” but suggested the other faction’s president had
become a “little Mugabe.” Terming himself the “Anti-Senate
leader of the Pro-Senate faction,” Mutambara admitted that
like Tsvangirai he was against the Senate and even advocated
pulling out of Parliament and all other election-based
institutions. Unlike Tsvangirai, however, Mutambara said he
would not have overturned the National Council’s initial
decision to contest the Senate elections and would have
accepted majority rule.
¶6. (U) Seizing issues that that have thus far been viewed as
HARARE 00000263 002 OF 004
ZANU-PF’s province, Mutambara proceeded to herald
nationalistic themes:
– On the liberation war legacy, Mutambara praised “the
pre-1980 Robert Mugabe” but said that the MDC were “better
defenders of the liberation war legacy than the current
ZANU-PF party.”
– On land reform, he said that returning to the pre-2000
status quo was not desirable and accused the U.K. and other
Western governments of reneging on support for
redistribution. Distinguishing himself from ZANU-PF, he
called for the equitable and transparent distribution of land.
– On foreign policy, Mutambara said his principles were
grounded in pan-Africanism ) a statement likely designed to
ingratiate himself with regional observers. Rhetorically
asking Mugabe “why should you monopolize anti-imperialism,”
Mutambara “put our American and European friends on notice”
that he too was opposed to unilateralism and violations of
sovereignty.
¶7. (U) Mutambara blamed the economic crisis squarely on
ZANU-PF misrule and called for a comprehensive economic
recovery program. Advocating reengagement with the
international community, Mutambara said “our problems are so
protracted that we can not go it alone.” At a press
conference on February 26, he reportedly pledged that his
faction would develop a blueprint to revive the economy
within a 100 days.
¶8. (C) Curiously, Mutambara did not reference his student
activism credentials or reach out to students who in the past
month have started regaining their past militancy (ref A),
including a demonstration on February 27 at the University of
Zimbabwe at which seven students were detained. According to
Fulbright scholar and Bulawayo-based lecturer Elinor Burkett,
this was despite a recommendation on the point to Mutambara
from MP David Coltart, who while absent from the Congress has
emerged as one of Mutambara’s biggest backers.
—————————–
Congress Otherwise Falls Flat
—————————–
¶9. (C) Beyond Mutambara’s speech, the Congress left little
to inspire the crowd who filed the 3,000-seat Bulawayo
Amphitheater to above capacity. Pro-Senate faction
“supporters” were bussed to Bulawayo from across the country
with the promise of accommodation and meals. Spirits quickly
dampened, however, after participants weathered a heavy
downpour the night before without shelter and many did not
receive their meals until late morning. As an angry crowd
began demanding lunch, Nkayi MP Abednico Bhebhe told poloff
that the faction had raised only half of the money it had
hoped for, thus necessitating cutbacks in some areas such as
food. (N.B. And presumably the originally scheduled second
day, which was cancelled.)
¶10. (SBU) Although invited, few civil society groups
attended the Congress and those that did gave only lukewarm
endorsements of the process. Zimbabwe National Students
Union (ZINASU) spokesperson Mfundo Mlilo said the students
were aggrieved by the MDC’s split and wanted a renewed focus
on overthrowing the regime, garnering thunderous applause
from the audience. Suggesting that the students’ allegiance
was still up for grabs, Mlilo called on both MDC factions to
form an education policy. NCA’s Lovemore Madhuku, the only
significant civil society figure to attend, said he would
ally with all groups that endorsed a new constitution, but
noted his differences with the faction over the Senate.
HARARE 00000263 003 OF 004
(N.B. Madhuku is close to Mutambara and was reportedly best
man at his wedding.)
———————————
Mutambara Hits the Ground Running
———————————
¶11. (C) Immediately after the Congress, Mutambara began
reaching out to civil society leaders in an attempt to build
a personal following. Post understands that he has met with
Crisis Coalition as well as other Bulawayo and Harare-based
groups. To date, Mutambara has yet to meet with Tsvangirai,
but we understand that Mutambara has made contact with the
Pro-Boycott faction at a lower level.
¶12. (C) In a meeting with a USAID local employee on February
28, Mutambara said he had placed conditions on his acceptance
of the Pro-Senate faction’s top position. Among other
things, he demanded independence from the faction’s
executive, a serious commitment to reunification, and the
right to bring in his own people. (N.B. Fearful of creating
another “kitchen cabinet,” the faction’s response to this
last condition is still evolving.) Likening Ncube to an
obnoxious employee that nonetheless delivered results,
Mutambara said that Tsvangirai had failed to properly manage
the independent-minded secretary general.
————————–
Muted Pro-Boycott Reaction
————————–
¶13. (C) The response to Mutambara’s election by the
Pro-Boycott faction has been muted thus far. Tsvangirai
rallies planned for February 26 were cancelled due to the
burial of Gilbert Shoko, the MDC MP for Budiriro, who died on
February 23. Spokesperson Nelson Chamisa has publicly
welcomed Mutambara’s call for reunification and said that
Tsvangirai’s door was open. He insisted, however, that
SIPDIS
Tsvangirai was the only MDC president. National Council
SIPDIS
member Getrude Mthombeni told poloff on March 1 that the
Pro-Boycott faction was taking a “wait-and-see” attitude
toward Mutambara. Noting that there appeared to be
factionalism within the faction, she said that Mutambara’s
speech was “going to get him in trouble” because it was more
in tune with Tsvangirai’s stance than Ncube’s.
——-
Comment
——-
¶14. (C) Only days into Mutambara’s presidency, cracks are
already apparent in this shotgun wedding. His acceptance
speech signaled some key differences with Ncube, the
faction’s hither-to powerhouse, and each are regarded as
strong-minded. Most notably Mutambara’s stance on
reunification and opposition to the Senate ) the public
justification for the split ) directly conflict with
positions taken by the other leaders of the faction.
Furthermore, Mutambara’s insistence on bringing in his own
people ) including some economic advisors currently close to
Tsvangirai ) has not been well received by the faction,
SIPDIS
which has repeatedly denounced Tsvangirai’s “kitchen cabinet.”
¶15. (C) At this early stage, Ncube and company need
Mutambara more than he needs them. After a long search,
Mutambara emerged as the only Shona politician with the
proper credentials who was acceptable to the faction’s
leadership – and who would agree to take the spot (others,
such as Tendai Biti, spurned their offer). Meanwhile,
Mutambara’s acceptance speech has already generated a buzz
among Zimbabweans who still remember his aggressive
HARARE 00000263 004 OF 004
opposition to the GOZ while in student politics. Signaling
that he is in it for the long haul, Mutambara and his wife
are reportedly planning to move into a family-owned house in
one of Harare’s low-density suburbs.
SCHULTZ
(79 VIEWS)
