The United States embassy in Harare which has always had a keen interest in the labour movement in Zimbabwe carried out a two-part analysis of the labour movement barely two months after the formation of the inclusive government.
The Insider has so far only been able to get part 1 of the analysis which was released by Wikileaks.
United States interest in movement began long before independence with the Central Intelligence Agency infiltrating the labour movement then and even after independence.
Full cable:
Viewing cable 09HARARE275, LABOR ANALYSIS: UNIONS FIGHT FOR SURVIVAL (PART 1
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TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 4305
INFO RUCNSAD/SOUTHERN AF DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY COLLECTIVE
RUEHAR/AMEMBASSY ACCRA 2740
RUEHDS/AMEMBASSY ADDIS ABABA 2862
RUEHRL/AMEMBASSY BERLIN 1308
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RHMFISS/EUCOM POLAD VAIHINGEN GE
RHEFDIA/DIA WASHDC
RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA 2029
RHEHAAA/NSC WASHDC
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 HARARE 000275
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
AF/S FOR B. WALCH
DRL FOR N. WILETT AND T. DANG
ADDIS ABABA FOR USAU
ADDIS ABABA FOR ACSS
STATE PASS TO USAID FOR J. HARMON AND L. DOBBINS
STATE PASS TO DOL FOR T. RASA AND S. HALEY
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PREL ASEC PHUM ELAB KDEM ZI
SUBJECT: LABOR ANALYSIS: UNIONS FIGHT FOR SURVIVAL (PART 1
OF 2)
REF: A. HARARE 246
¶B. HARARE 232
¶C. HARARE 207
——-
SUMMARY
——-
¶1. (U) This is the first of two cables assessing labor in
Zimbabwe. Part one examines the history of the labor
movement and the challengs facing unions. Part two examines
the internal political struggles within the labor movement
and its continued relationship with the MDC leadership.
¶2. (SBU) Our overall assessment is that the labor movement
in Zimbabwe is struggling to survive. Low formal employment
and worthless Zimbabwe dollar-denominated salaries have
almost completely eroded revenue from membership dues,
thereby undermining unions’ ability to represent worker
needs. We found this to be true across all organized labor
sectors. The labor movement is also threatened by a second
front opened by ZANU-PF. So-called “splinter unions,”
created by ZANU-PF to undermine traditional representative
unions, continue to have a significant impact in rural areas
as they collect forced donations, promote farm invasions, and
are represented in negotiations with government. The MDC has
been supportive of labor, but has been criticized for not
executing on promises to pay workers a living,
foreign-currency-based wage. While recognizing government’s
constraints, labor is looking to the MDC to deliver on
salaries, as well as on other labor issues. END SUMMARY.
——————————————
Background: ZCTU vs. ZFTU vs. Independents
——————————————
¶3. (SBU) In an effort to understand the current status of
the labor movement, between March 17 and 26 we spoke with
leaders of six different labor unions as well as the umbrella
labor organization, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
(ZCTU). All but one of these unions are formally affiliated
with the ZCTU. Meetings were held with: Gertrude Hambira,
Secretary General of the General Agriculture and Plantation
Workers Union of Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ); Raymond Majongwe,
Secretary General of the Progressive Teachers Union of
Zimbabwe (PTUZ); Matthew Takaona, President of the Zimbabwe
Union of Journalists (ZUJ); Wellington Likukuma, General
Secretary of the Zimbabwe Banks and Allied Workers Union
(ZIBAWU); Sophiso Ndlovu, Chief Executive Officer and Dr.
Tshabalala of the Zimbabwe Teachers’ Association (ZIMTA); and
Tonderai Kanengoni, Deputy Secretary General of the Transport
and General Workers Union (TGWU). We also spoke with
Wellington Chibebe, Secretary General of ZCTU and Lucia
Matibenga, ZCTU’s First Vice President and Secretary General
of the Commercial Workers Union of Zimbabwe.
¶4. (SBU) For decades, labor politics were subject to the
whims and abuses of single-party rule. According to
respected labor economist Godfrey Kanyenze, throughout the
colonial and Rhodesian periods, unions were severely
restricted and union leaders were routinely harassed.
Colonial and Rhodesian laws dictated that union funds could
QColonial and Rhodesian laws dictated that union funds could
not be used for political purposes, trade unionists could not
affiliate with any political party, and donations from
outside organizations had to be approved by the Minister of
Labor. During the 1960s and 1970s, trade unionism and
political activism were nearly indistinguishable, leading to
many arrests of union leaders. This historical background is
relevant because the Zimbabwean government (GOZ), beginning
HARARE 00000275 002 OF 007
in the mid-1990s, adopted similar tactics for dealing with
labor unions.
¶5. (SBU) In Zimbabwe there are two large organizations that
claim to represent trade unions, the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions (ZCTU) and the Zimbabwe Federation of Trade
Unions (ZFTU). ZCTU is the more respected and legitimate of
the two organizations by virtue of its large membership and
international recognition, via its affiliations with the
International Labor Organization and other international
labor movements, including the AFL-CIO. ZCTU was created
after Zimbabwean independence in 1981. ZCTU was formed
through the consolidation of at least six different trade
unions, and was led by ZANU-PF stalwarts for its first five
years; during its first year it was led by Robert Mugabe’s
late brother Albert. In 1985, following a series of
corruption allegations involving ZCTU leaders, an independent
leadership drawn from larger and more professional unions was
elected. When ZCTU resisted the merger of ZANU-PF and
PF-ZAPU in 1987, the rift between it and government grew
wider. Finally, as governance deteriorated in the 1990s,
ZCTU evolved into a standard-bearer for alternative
governance. Morgan Tsvangirai, who served as ZCTU’s
Secretary General between 1989 and 2000, was at the forefront
of this profound redirection. When ZCTU and 40 other civil
society groups spearheaded the creation of the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999, much of the MDC’s top
leadership came from ZCTU. Now Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister,
Tsvangirai maintains close — although periodically strained
— ties with ZCTU.
¶6. (SBU) Given ZCTU’s growing role as an effective opposition
force, ZANU-PF sought in 1997 to dilute ZCTU’s strength by
creating an alternative union movement, the ZFTU. This
coincided with ZCTU’s leadership of the first nationwide
strikes in Zimbabwe since the 1940s. ZFTU remained fairly
quiet until 2001 when it became active in helping war
veterans execute farm invasions. One of ZFTU’s primary
leaders in various capacities was feared war veteran Joseph
Chinotimba, who led the farm invasions in 2000. The ZFTU
president is currently Alfred Makwarimba, a ZANU-PF loyalist
who served as ZCTU’s president in the early 1980s. ZFTU’s
current secretary general is now Kennias Shamuyarira.
¶7. (SBU) ZFTU is widely recognized as illegitimate, as it
has no real membership. In order for a union to gain legal
recognition, it must be approved by the Ministry of Labor
which bases its decision on a verifiable membership base,
which the majority of ZFTU affiliates cannot muster. ZFTU
has a long history of coercing workers to join its movement.
In 2002, Chinotimba admitted that ZFTU was forcing workers to
join ZFTU. He further told the independent press, “if
(workers) want to remain with the ZCTU then they should go to
other countries and not stay in Zimbabwe.” Despite its lack
Qother countries and not stay in Zimbabwe.” Despite its lack
of legitimate membership, ZFTU is frequently quoted in the
government-sponsored press supporting ZANU-PF policies. For
instance, in May 2008, the state-owned newspaper, the Herald,
ran an article in which Shamuyarira accused ZCTU ally, the
South African Congress of Trade Unions (COSATU), of “being
used by British imperialists… to demonize Zimbabwe.” On
Workers’ Day (May 1), police often grant ZFTU permission to
hold rallies at the best and largest venues, relegating
ZCTU’s more popular rallies to less prominent locations.
¶8. (SBU) Perhaps the only successful independent union has
been the Zimbabwe National Teachers’ Association (ZIMTA).
However, ZIMTA Chief Executive Officer Sophiso Ndlovu told us
on March 24 that they applied to join ZCTU in November 2008.
Despite the benefits of remaining independent, such as
HARARE 00000275 003 OF 007
resisting charges of being aligned with either the MDC or
ZANU-PF, they seek to benefit from the international
assistance ZCTU receives and benefit from ZCTU’s negotiating
clout.
——————————————— —————–
Dollarization Has Hurt Unions and Political Optimism is Fading
——————————————— —————–
¶9. (SBU) Without exception, union leaders lamented the
continued economic hardships and their impact on union
survival. Unions rely primarily on member dues for their
income, drawing approximately one percent of gross salary
directly from member paychecks. When the Zimbabwean dollar
was still widely used, hyperinflation ate into profits,
forcing unions to cut back on services and seek outside
funding. Dollarization, while eliminating hyperinflation,
has actually cut further into member dues. While many
private companies have started paying employees in U.S.
dollars, this is not always via salary payments. Dollar
allowances, such as those paid to all civil servants, and
other benefits, such as food packs that supplement salaries,
cannot be drawn upon for union dues. Teachers’ unions are
acutely suffering, since civil servant salaries continue to
be paid in the defunct Zimbabwe dollar. ZIMTA and PTUZ both
rely heavily on outside funding from international donors and
labor movements.
¶10. (SBU) Initial teacher optimism over the MDC’s entrance
into government began fading as the new GOZ mae it clear
that they would not be able to pay teacher salaries in forex
for the foreseeable future, and teachers would have to rely
solely on the US$100 monthly allowances granted to all civil
servants. Consequently, ZIMTA leaders told us on March 23
that both the organization and their constituents are
struggling to make ends meet. ZIMTA is relying on grants
from international education labor groups such as the
American Federation of Teachers, which made a US$10,000
donation to ZIMTA last year. ZIMTA was now feeling pressure
from its members because, at the behest of MDC officials and
on the basis that they would be paid in hard currency, it had
called for all teachers to return to work in February. ZIMTA
official Sophiso Ndlovu said that this pressure was building
and if teachers were not paid a livable wage by April, ZIMTA
would call for a strike at their union conference at the end
of that month, repeating similar statements by PTUZ’s
Majongwe in our March 18 meeting (Ref A).
——————————-
No Workers, No Members, No Dues
——————————-
¶11. (SBU) As the economy and formal employment have
plummeted, union membership has shrunk dramatically. The
TGWU, for instance, is composed of bus drivers, large truck
drivers, transport boat captains, and taxi drivers. TGWU
Deputy Secretary General Kanengoni estimates membership now
totals 10,000, down from over 30,000 in 2005. ZIBAWU
Qtotals 10,000, down from over 30,000 in 2005. ZIBAWU
Secretary General Likukuma told us that his union has not
engaged in any recruiting activity for 18 months due to a
lack of union revenue; its membership totals just 4,700, down
from 10,000 members. Likukuma dejectedly told us that ZIBAWU
survived hyperinflation, but now suffers from the lack of
salary-based dues as workers are paid in-kind or with
allowances. ZIMTA membership has dropped by 20 percent in
just four years.
——————————————— ————
Wages: “You pretend to pay us and we’ll pretend to work.”
HARARE 00000275 004 OF 007
——————————————— ————
¶12. (SBU) ZCTU Secretary General Chibebe explained that ZCTU
will insist on members being paid a livable wage in foreign
currency; these demands have been criticized as unrealistic
(Ref B). Recently, ZCTU called for a minimum wage of US$454,
equivalent to the estimated poverty datum line for February.
Chibebe conceded that the figure will be reviewed downward in
light of falling prices, and estimated the general minimum
wage may settle between US$250 and US$350. He offered that
ZCTU is willing to give government and industry until June
2009 to pay the minimum wage. However, no union is prepared
to accept solely the government’s US$100 allowance.
¶13. (SBU) According to Kanyenze, current wages — generally
just allowances — do not motivate workers. Across the
economy, people go to work, but aren’t necessarily
productive. Symptomatic of this is that for years, ZCTU
efforts to call effective strikes have failed, largely
because employees go to work to make personal use of work
infrastructure, such as the phone or internet, or because
free transport into town is provided. Also, in the
agricultural sector, low wages have contributed to a labor
shortage, as potential workers decide to take their chances
panning for gold or border jumping for greater economic
opportunity.
¶14. (SBU) When we shared the opinion of an IMF assessment
team that Zimbabwean workers needed to adjust their
expectations due to current economic realities, Chibebe
emphatically rejected the notion that Zimbabwe is a poor
country. He said that the first point of entry to stabilizing
the economy should not be low salaries and “slave labor.” He
also said that it is not the workers’ fault that reckless
political leadership and spending has dried the coffers and
he called on government to lead by example. “Anyone
criticizing wage demands is being very cruel to the
Zimbabwean worker.”
—————————————–
Piecing Together the Mosaic of Labor Laws
—————————————–
¶15. (SBU) In addition to these economic challenges, a
confusing web of inconsistent laws has restricted workers’
rights. Kanyenze explained that labor laws have been amended
so many times that they contradict other laws and
international labor standards. He described a
“balkanization” of the labor market and labor laws. For
instance, to avoid paying steep income taxes on foreign
currency saaries, NGOs and others have resorted to quietly
providing employees with food baskets and other side
benefits, leading to inconsistent pay scales and conditions
of employment for similar types of work.
¶16. (SBU) A notable problem with labor laws is that civil
servants are not covered by protections granted in the Labor
Act. Their activities are governed by the Public Service
Act, which does not recognize the collective bargaining
QAct, which does not recognize the collective bargaining
rights of public employees. Private sector employees, by
contrast, benefit from National Employment Councils and
sector-specific tripartite negotiating committees that set
down wages and benefits through a discussion amongst labor,
business, and government representatives. Kanyenze said that
the International Labor Organization has called on Zimbabwe
to harmonize its laws to ensure all workers are afforded the
right to organize and associate with a union. The unity
government, however, may have inadvertently detracted from
that effort, according to Kanyenze. By creating new
HARARE 00000275 005 OF 007
ministries to satisfy both political parties, there are now
two ministries that share responsibility for workers. The
Labor Ministry is responsible for private sector workers
while the Ministry of Public Service is responsible for civil
servants. Both are led by MDC officials. Regarding labor
legislation, parastatal employees are technically supposed to
be governed under the Labor Act, but employers often use the
Public Service Act in negotiations. These legal
inconsistencies almost always benefit the employer rather
than the employee. Kanyenze said there is a desperate need
for a national policy framework.
¶17. (SBU) Additionally, legislation such as the Public Order
and Security Act (POSA), the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), and the Criminal Act are
often invoked to curtail union freedoms. Despite a special
labor court to handle labor matters, the system is seriously
backlogged and delays of several years are commonplace.
—————————————–
Many, Many Ministries Angling for Action
—————————————–
¶18. (SBU) Kanyenze went on to list ministries attempting to
play a role in labor and economic recovery — or to take
credit in case of recovery — including the Ministries of
Youth, Small and Medium Enterprises, Labor, Public Service,
and Education. He said that Youth Minister Saviour
Kasukuwere of ZANU-PF had contacted him to request a copy of
Kanyenze’s assessment on how to rebuild labor markets in
Zimbabwe, even though that report would be more appropriately
handled by the Labor or Finance ministry. As ministers elbow
each other for a role in the government, Kanyenze fears a
lack of coherent vision will impede real progress.
¶19. (SBU) The new Labor Minister, Paurina Gwanyanya, has
been widely described as a competent and impressive leader.
She comes from the labor movement, previously led the
parliamentary labor committee and served on the SADC
parliamentary forum. Kanyenze and others believe she will
surround herself with sound advisors and make evidence-based
decisions. Her Permanent Secretary, however, is mistrusted
by those in the labor movement. According to Kanyenze, the
Labor Ministry is “infested” with intelligence operatives who
have long spied on the ZCTU and will need to be weeded out
over time. Chibebe told us on March 25 that while Gwanyanya
is astute on labor issues, he questions whether she will be
able to separate herself from her background in union
politics. He said it was “unfortunate” that she had been
given that post, and repeated Kanyenze’s concerns that the
ministry is rife with ZANU-PF supporters.
—————————————-
ZFTU Playing Lead Role in Farm Invasions
—————————————-
¶20. (SBU) Although lacking legitimate membership, ZFTU has
managed to have a negative impact on labor in some sectors.
Qmanaged to have a negative impact on labor in some sectors.
In most industries, workers can readily distinguish between
the ZFTU and ZCTU affiliate. However, in agriculture, ZFTU
has taken advantage of workers’ lack of access to information
and coerced them into ZFTU membership. A ZCTU affiliate, the
General Agriculture and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe
(GAPWUZ) has long represented agricultural workers on
commercial farms. However harassment, political violence and
forced displacement have eroded GAPWUZ’s membership to 27,000
members, down from 50,000 just a year ago. This has partly
been accomplished by three ZFTU affiliates, including the
deceptively named group Horticulture and General Agriculture
HARARE 00000275 006 OF 007
and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe (HGAPWUZ), whose
representatives routinely arrive on commercial farms claiming
to represent the needs of farm workers. (NOTE: ZFTU
affiliate HGAPWUZ uses its nearly identical name to easily
deceive farm workers into believing its “representatives” are
from the legitimate GAPWUZ union. ZFTU affiliates in other
sectors have adopted similar names to their legitimate ZCTU
counterparts in an effort to confuse workers. END NOTE.)
¶21. (SBU) GAPWUZ’s General Secretary, Gertrude Hambira, told
us on March 17 that her organization was suffering as a
result of violence that disrupted commercial farm operations
during last year’s contested elections as well as the recent
upsurge in farm invasions that began in early February (Ref
C). She explained that when farms are invaded by new owners
bearing offer letters ordering the existing owner to vacate
the property, typically the new owners will dismiss the vast
majority of workers as well. She cited a recent example in
the Chegutu area of Mashonaland West where 400 workers were
just evicted from a citrus farm by its new owner, Edna
Mazongwe, President of the Senate.
¶22. (SBU) Additionally, under the Labor Act, the employer
must pay a severance packag to all workers. Some evicted
white farmers have honored these agreements and paid these
packages despite losing their farms. In some of these
instances, HGAPWUZ representatives then extort half of that
severance package from the displaced workers, calling it a
“consultation fee.” When GAPWUZ brought these occurrences to
the attention of police in nearby Kadoma, they responded that
they couldn’t take up the allegations because it was
political.
¶23. (SBU) GAPWUZ is also in decline because the new farmers
— those few who actually engage in some farming activity —
actively discourage union membership. These farmers refuse
to subtract and send union membership fees from their
employees’ paychecks. In fact, ZFTU and HGAPWUZ have been
notorious for harassing employees of private businesses (not
just farm workers) and demanding physical collections of
membership dues. Many workers feel compelled to join to
avoid reprisals associated with being labeled as part of the
MDC.
¶24. (SBU) Hambira went on to explain how the land reform
program altered the negotiating landscape. Formerly, GAPWUZ
would negotiate wages with the Commercial Farmer’s Union
(CFU). Now the CFU has largely been replaced by the Zimbabwe
Commercial Farmer’s Union (ZCFU) that represents the
interests of the new farmers who were awarded or seized
formerly white-owned farms. Hambira said that shift has also
hurt farm workers, as wages and working conditions have
worsened under ZCFU management. She also reported that the
government had allowed uninvited parties, including CIO
operatives, to sit in on negotiations. As a result, farm
Qoperatives, to sit in on negotiations. As a result, farm
worker wages have suffered. Currently, negotiated wages
allow for the lowest paid agriculture worker to receive US$10
and a food basket each month.
——-
COMMENT
——-
¶25. (SBU) The once-powerful Zimbabwean labor movement has
been sharply weakened during the past few years by economic
collapse and rapidly rising unemployment. Shrinking
productivity, hyperinflation and dollarization have whittled
down union dues, eroded the membership base, and undermined
ZCTU’s and its affiliates’ ability to effectively protect and
HARARE 00000275 007 OF 007
advance worker rights. Apart from economic challenges, a
second front has been opened by ZANU-PF “splinter unions”
that are determined to weaken genuine labor movements and
promote ZANU-PF policies and propaganda. These factors
combine to threaten the future of organized labor in Zimbabwe.
¶26. (SBU) MDC leadership in key ministries such as Labor,
Education, and Public Service has been welcomed by the
unions. However, the MDC is constrained by resources and,
thus far, has been unable to satisfy salary demands from
labor groups, even in priority areas such as public
education. This has led to growing dissatisfaction with the
new government, and more importantly, a growing belief that
while certainly more sympathetic, the MDC may be no more able
to deliver worker benefits than ZANU-PF. END COMMENT.
MCGEE
(5500 VIEWS)
