President Robert Mugabe is the worst hardliner there is and the West should not be fooled into thinking that he is being led by hardliners from his own party, deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara told a visiting European Union delegation.
The delegation had concluded that Mugabe was physically fit, mentally sharp and charming, but was surrounded by hardliners who were dodgy, cold and lacked his intelligence.
Mugabe had indicated that he was willing to engage with the delegation but was not willing to give an inch.
When the delegation expressed concern about the slow reforms and continuing political violence, Mugabe said the violence consisted of small incidents involving youths.
He said the Movement for Democratic Change was also full of violent youths.
Full cable:
Viewing cable 09BRUSSELS1399, EU COMMISSIONER DE GUCHT’S TRIP TO ZIMBABWE
If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs
|
Reference ID |
Created |
Classification |
Origin |
VZCZCXRO4672
PP RUEHAG RUEHROV RUEHSL RUEHSR
DE RUEHBS #1399/01 2931334
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 201334Z OCT 09
FM USEU BRUSSELS
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY
INFO RUCNMEM/EU MEMBER STATES COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHOR/AMEMBASSY GABORONE PRIORITY
RUEHSB/AMEMBASSY HARARE PRIORITY
RUEHLS/AMEMBASSY LUSAKA PRIORITY
RUEHTO/AMEMBASSY MAPUTO PRIORITY
RUEHSA/AMEMBASSY PRETORIA PRIORITY
RUEHWD/AMEMBASSY WINDHOEK PRIORITY
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 BRUSSELS 001399
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/20/2019
SUBJECT: EU COMMISSIONER DE GUCHT’S TRIP TO ZIMBABWE
Classified By: USEU Charge d’Affaires Christopher Murray, for reasons 1
.4(b) and (d)
¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY: The EU Commissioner for Development and
Humanitarian Aid, Karel de Gucht, along with the Swedish
International Development Cooperation Minister Gunilla
Carlsson, traveled to Zimbabwe on 12-13 September with an EU
delegation including representatives of the Council,
Commission, and the current and future Presidencies. While
there, they met with President Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, the Foreign and Justice Ministers, and civil
society members. They then traveled to South Africa where
they met with Deputy Prime Minister Mutambara. POLOFF, along
with Canadian and Australian counterparts, met with Louis
Amorim of the Council Secretariat on September 18, and then
with Maud Arnould and John Clancy from Commissioner de
Gucht’s Cabinet on October 1 to discuss the visit, the status
of the Global Peace Agreement (GPA), the Government of
National Unity, sanctions and the way forward. END SUMMARY
ATMOSPHERICS:
————-
¶2. (SBU) The EU delegation saw the visit as a success because
it drew media attention back onto Zimbabwe. This was the
first high-level EU visit since 2002, and the GOZ made a real
effort. But Mugabe’s anti-Western rhetoric continued in the
press, including public statements about “Bloody Whites”
coming to interfere with their internal affairs. The Foreign
Minister told the delegation not to worry as the remarks were
simply playing to the domestic constituency. The meetings
were very political and not at all technical. There were
huge differences of opinion, but open discussions, even with
President Mugabe.
MEETING WITH MUGABE
——————-
¶3. (C) President Robert Mugabe was willing to engage, which
the delegation took as a positive, but not willing to give an
inch. Mugabe acknowledged the important role the British
Labor Party (plus the Swedish, German and Danish) had in
helping Zimbabwe achieve independence. He clearly wanted to
be conciliatory here, particularly toward the Swedes. Then
he returned to the theme of a U.S. and U.K. conspiracy to
overthrow him.
¶4. (C) The delegation expressed concern about slow reforms,
the status of the GPA, and continuing political violence.
Mugabe resisted it all claiming, for example, that the only
violence today consists of small incidents involving youths.
The Movement for Democratic Change party (MDC), he added, is
also full of violent youths. In response, the Swedish
Minister was polite but very straightforward saying, “We
don’t share those views, even if it could be a question of
perception.” When pressed, Mugabe would say, “I will do the
right things and I will avoid the wrong things.”
¶5. (C) Throughout, Mugabe was a superb debater, always
looking for proof and asking his underlings regarding
details. (NOTE: Clancy advised it is better to stay out of
the weeds when trying to make points to Mugabe because “he
will turn details against you.” END NOTE) Mugabe stated the
GPA has been completely implemented and the Unity Government
was working well, so sanctions should be lifted. He claimed
there was an independent judiciary in Zimbabwe, so the fate
of imprisoned MDC Minister Roy Bennett was not in his hands.
He claimed no knowledge of other arrested parliamentarians
and turned to his Chief of Intelligence for details, who also
claimed to know nothing. Ignoring the view of the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) that certain
appointments, such as the Central Bank Governor and Attorney
General, must be made by the Unity Government, Mugabe claims
those appointments could not be deemed unilateral because he
was not required to consult. He admonished the delegation
not to let themselves be manipulated by the opposition on
these topics.
¶6. (C) Mugabe stated that land reform was an irreversible
decision. He said he was not completely against some kind of
land ownership system, and a leasing idea, “does not shock
him.” He argued that resolving the land issues would require
a comprehensive land survey, for which Zimbabwe would need
BRUSSELS 00001399 002 OF 004
financial and human resources. The direct implication was
that unless donors provide the resources, the GOZ is not
going to do it. (NOTE: In a later meeting, the Foreign and
Justice Ministers repeated these points, adding the
threatening comment, “This is the one issue about which
people take up arms.” END NOTE)
IMPRESSIONS OF MUGABE
———————
¶7. (C) Our EU interlocutors said Mugabe appeared physically
fit, mentally sharp, and “charming.” When asked if his
position had either weakened or been consolidated, Amorim
answered that it was very strong. He remains powerful but is
clearly surrounded by hardliners who are “dodgy,” “cold,” and
lack Mugabe’s intelligence. (NOTE: Mutambara cautioned the
delegation not to be fooled into thinking that Mugabe was
being lead by hard-liners, saying, “He is the worst hardliner
there is.” END NOTE)
¶8. (C) In both meetings with our EU interlocutors, they told
the same illustrative anecdote: during the delegation’s
meeting with Mugabe, a strong, young man entered with a bowl
and pitcher of water on a silver tray. He knelt in front of
Mugabe, who made a show of washing his hands with this
subservient man at his feet. The delegation thought Mugabe
intended it as a show of his strength and power, but instead,
as Clancy put it, “it showed that Mugabe has lost the plot of
normal human interaction and the responsibility of leaders
toward their people.”
MEETING WITH TSVANGIRAI: CHALLENGES AND PRIORITIES
——————————————— —–
¶9. (C) The delegation then went to Bulawayo and met with
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and separately with Minister
of Education David Coltart. Tsvangirai was much more
positive in Brussels in June about the GPA than he was in
this meeting. He gave a structured, concise description of
challenges and priorities. The challenges included the
disputed appointments of the Attorney General and Central
Bank Governor. He blamed the latter for the complete
economic meltdown and said, “We cannot have him there.”
There were allegations that the Central Bank Governor had
faked signatures to access IMF funds, but Biti was able to
block it to keep foreign currency reserves. (NOTE: POLOFF
was unsure if Amorim was saying this as an aside, or if it
was discussed in the meeting. END NOTE)
¶10. (C) Tsvangirai discussed political harassment,
particularly the serious accusations against Roy Bennett.
The fact that he is “white” matters, Tsvangirai said, since
ZANU-PF is concerned that Bennett will defend the white
farmers. Tsvangirai said the spirit of the Unity Government
is threatened by ZANU-PF. He insisted there is no
alternative to the Unity Government, but added that he did
not know “how much longer we can take this.” He is very
disappointed that the SADC extraordinary session on Zimbabwe
did not happen, and that there has been little progress since
June. Minister Carlsson asked if there was a risk of the
Unity Government collapsing, and he said “no.”
¶11. (C) As for priorities, he highlighted that the MDC heads
all the ministries that promote the population’s well-being,
such as education, health, and housing, among others. MDC
was originally unhappy with the distribution, especially with
ZANU-PF’s control of all the “hard” sectors, but then saw
that the only resources coming from outside supporters were
for service provision. If MDC can make its sectors work
(through aid or other means), they can make the Unity
Government work, and people will see a difference in their
lives. Amorim noted that Tsvangirai’s analysis seems
accurate. Everyone he spoke with who was not a government
official confirmed that things are better – schools are open
and stores have food. Tsvangirai remains concerned about
food security, however. He explained the goal of providing
one million homes with seeds and fertilizer, saying they had
already done half and asked the EU to fund the rest.
MEETING WITH MUTAMBARA
———————-
¶12. (C) Deputy Prime Minister Mutambara impressed Amorim as
being “very sharp, young, engaging, and very, very
dangerous.” Arnould said Mutambara was a “strong
personality” who was talking for the camera – he made a long
BRUSSELS 00001399 003 OF 004
speech to the press about the importance of his faction in
the government, and the imperative to lift sanctions.
Mutambara was livid that the United States met with Mugabe
and Tsvangirai but did not meet with him. Amorim summarized
Mutambara’s main message to the delegation as, “You have to
count me in. If you do not include me, I can wreck this.”
He claimed he was “the only one who can shut up Mugabe,” and
that everyone else is afraid of him. When asked if others in
the government shared Mutambara’s assessment of his
importance, Amorim replied that while Mutambara only has
three seats, they tipped the balance and allowed the MDC to
claim a majority. Mutambara knows that he could pull out and
destroy the whole thing. Mutambara stated that he considers
the SADC communique of January to be part of the GPA and
implementation will not be complete without it. He sees the
GPA as irreversible, “there is no Plan B.”
MEETINGS WITH FOREIGN AND JUSTICE MINISTERS, CIVIL SOCIETY
——————————————— ————-
¶13. (C) Back in Harare on Sunday morning, the delegation also
met with Foreign Minister Samuel Mumbengegwi and Justice
Minister Patrick Chinamasa who were described as playing good
cop and bad cop, respectively. The Foreign Minister was
conciliatory, describing the visit as a crucial step to
normalization. The Justice Minister was confrontational,
asking, “Who are you to tell us how to run our business?” and
saying, “listening to you and listening to Tsvangirai is the
same thing.” The delegation had the impression it was hard
for them not to have all the control and to have Europeans
“telling them what to do.”
¶14. (C) In meetings with Civil Society leaders, they talked
of continued violence in the rural areas by ZANU-PF, but also
by MDC. In urban areas, there have been fragile gains on
human rights, including press freedom, but it depends on
Ministerial tolerance. It could all vanish tomorrow because
the laws remain unchanged. (Note: Tsvangirai and Biti said
that they want to see the Property Rights Act, the Freedom of
Media Act, and the Public Order Act all passed in the next
six months. END NOTE) But on constitutional reform, there is
deadlock. The July meeting started ominously, with
participants nearly coming to blows, and ZANU-PF members
saying they would not participate because MDC members were
getting paid and they were not.
SANCTIONS
———
15 (C) Sanctions were discussed in all meetings with
government officials. Mugabe portrayed the West as unfairly
targeting people in the Unity Government for no reason.
“What do you expect but hostility when you expel the children
of my collaborators from universities in your countries?
This hurts us.” He uses the sanctions in the media, saying,
“You are making the people of Zimbabwe suffer, trying to
force regime change from the outside.” Clancy noted, “One
would think that sanctions would be a gadfly to him – nothing
more than annoying. But they bother him enormously because
they do not apply to the MDC.” The officials with Mugabe
stated that the targeted travel measures do not matter, but
indicated the measures against parastatals do.
Unsurprisingly, Tsvangirai does not want sanctions lifted.
He says the process needs to be a two-way street, so there is
no reason to lift them when there has been no progress.
¶16. (C) Out of the three, Mutambara spoke the most about
sanctions and claimed they only help Mugabe. Without
sanctions, he said, the GPA could move ahead, as Mugabe would
have no excuse. (NOTE: Considering that Mugabe claims the
GPA is finished, the delegation did not share this
assessment. END NOTE) Mutambara asserted that the West must
follow the advice of Africa leaders. “If Zuma says so, then
you should not bat an eye.” He seemed surprised to hear from
the delegation that Tsvangirai did not agree. Mutambara said
that any progress would require considerable engagement with
Zuma. “You must get African leaders to put pressure on
Mugabe. He will not listen to you.”
¶17. (C) The Zimbabwean Ministers said the African Union and
SADC have asked that the sanctions be lifted, so “why don’t
you listen to them?” Minister Carlsson asked how they
reconcile asking for respect for SADC’s views on sanctions
when the GOZ had pulled out of the SADC Tribunal because of
its views (a reference to the case brought by Mike Campbell,
a white farmer). Displaying a capacity to “create reality”
BRUSSELS 00001399 004 OF 004
(Amorim’s words), the Ministers gave a very legalistic
response ending with, “the Tribunal does not exist.”
WHAT’S NEXT?
————
¶18. (C) Arnould stated that ZANU-PF is rebuilding and needs
money, but time is on their side. (She mentioned ZANU-PF has
an arrangement with the Iranians to supply oil.) Asked about
the way forward, Amorim said the EU is committed to the plan
for the dual roadmaps (in which the GOZ prepares a roadmap
for GPA implementation, and EU Heads of Mission prepare one
for normalizing relations; then they would link the two). He
stressed that the GOZ must accept the need to deal with the
Member States’ Heads of Mission in Harare on this, not always
with Ministers from capitals. The delegation’s message was
that they support the people of Zimbabwe and will continue to
do so, just not necessarily by going through the government.
The current visit should not be taken to imply that things
are fine now. It’s a long-term process. They sent the very
strong message that the reluctance of the GOZ to engage in
the roadmap is matched by European reluctance. Nothing has
moved in Harare, so the EU sees no reason to move from their
current position.
¶19. (C) In response to Prime Minister Tsvangirai’s 16 October
remarks on the lack of political progress in Zimbabwe,
Commissioner de Gucht issued a statement outlining again the
absolute necessity for all parties to implement the GPA
without further delay. De Gucht encouraged key regional
bodies, particularly SADC, to do all they can to assist the
parties to the GPA to resolve their differences for the
benefit of the Zimbabwean people.
MURRAY
.
(23 VIEWS)
