A British Member of Parliament has called on Mozambique to take stronger measures to stem diamond smuggling from Marange because this is a vital link that is helping to sustain President Robert Mugabe’s regime.
Speaking in the House of Commons last week Martin Horwood it was crucial to cut of this link because the revenue from diamond smuggling was going to the military and the coffers of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front.
“(Mozambique) is a democracy and a member of the Commonwealth. However, the exploitation of the Marange diamond fields is allowing diamonds to be smuggled or illegally exported to avoid Zimbabwean taxation.
“Revenue clearly passes back to the military and the coffers of ZANU-PF. It seems to me that the (British) government could make representations to the Mozambique government to take a stronger attitude to controlling the Zimbabwean border, as it is a vital financial link in the chain that supports the regime”, Horwood said.
Zimbabwe has been prevented from selling its Marange diamonds on the open market because the diamonds are said to be “bloody” following the deployment of the military into Marange to clean up the area to stop smuggling. African Consolidated Resources, which had the concessions, also lost its rights when the government claimed it had obtained them fraudulently.
Though the diamond regulatory body, the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme, had given Zimbabwe conditional rights to sell the diamonds, Zimbabwe turned down the offer. Current KPCS chairman Mathieu Yamba of the Democratic Republic of Congo lifted the ban but members said he did not have the mandate to do so.
India and China are, however, reported to have persuaded the United States and the European Union to allow Marange to sell its diamonds but the outcome is still unclear.
Horwood said it was also critical to get Zimbabwe back on track so that it can hold credible elections. He said though events in North Africa, particularly Libya, held lessons for various people, the lesson for some dictators was probably that if they treated rebellion and dissent with sufficient violence and determination, they might succeed and survive.
“That is obviously a lesson that we do not want ZANU-PF to be able to draw,” he said.
Horwood’s contribution in full:
Martin Horwood (Cheltenham) (LD): I congratulate the hon. Member for Vauxhall (Kate Hoey) and all the members of the all-party group, including the hon. Member for Plymouth, Sutton and Devonport (Oliver Colvile), on securing the debate and on keeping the issue high up the political agenda. The hon. Lady is right when she says that there is a risk of indifference at times, especially as more exciting political events on the international stage seem to take people’s attention, but it is important that Zimbabwe remains on the agenda.
We may take different views on which reforms we want and when we want them, but whatever our coalition’s disagreements over constitutional reform and its progress, at least my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change has not ended up in chains in court, and at least my hon. Friend the Minister for Equalities has not had to go into hiding, which is what their opposite numbers in the Zimbabwean Government have had to endure. Elton Mangoma and Theresa Makone deserve enormous credit for the courage with which they have faced appalling abuses not only of public freedom, but of parliamentary, political and even governmental and ministerial freedom. It is extraordinary, but they are of course only the tip of the iceberg. The hon. Member for Vauxhall and many others pointed out the level of abuse in Zimbabwe, which unfortunately seems to be increasing again as the elections draw closer after it had seemed to subside.
The situation in north Africa, particularly Libya, holds lessons for various people, but sadly the lesson for some dictators might be that if they treat rebellion and dissent with sufficient violence and determination, they might have a chance of surviving and succeeding. That is obviously a lesson that we do not want ZANU-PF to be able to draw, so there is an interest in this for the international community, and the same lesson could be drawn from the situations in Yemen and Syria as we speak. We need to make it clear to the international community that that must not be the lesson drawn, and it must act with resolution in all those situations.
Luckily or unluckily, any thought of military intervention in Zimbabwe, despite what some constituents might occasionally call for, is absolutely out of the question, as I am sure the Minister will confirm. The important thing is that we should work not only with the international community but with regional organisations. Others have referred to the lead role of the Southern African Development Community, but the African Union is a co-guarantor of the global political agreement. I would be interested to hear from the Minister the latest intelligence from the African Union and others, and what position they are taking to guarantee that the constitutional process is going forward.
Of course, one country has an absolutely key role: South Africa is the leading political and economic force in the region. It is interesting that President Zuma has taken a robust line on the constitutional process. In gratitude, he is coming under attack from the state media in Zimbabwe, which recently described him as a “dishonest broker”. The language is becoming quite fierce, but in a funny sort of way that is an encouraging development. It is a sign that the southern African political community as a whole is becoming more realistic in its treatment of Robert Mugabe’s regime, and that it is prepared to make enemies within the ZANU-PF movement. South Africa’s historic position in the region is inevitably one of moral and political leadership. We should give President Zuma all possible support in that role, and I would be interested to hear what the Minister has to say on his latest contacts with the president.
With the onset of elections in Zimbabwe, we are in a sense putting the cart before the horse. The constitutional reform process was supposed, ideally, to precede the next round of elections, but that now seems to be in doubt. I would be interested to hear the Minister’s latest take on that aspect.
We are in a difficult situation with all countries where violent and dictatorial forces are in play. In many countries around the world-I look at East Timor, the former Yugoslavia and, I hope, Côte d’Ivoire-these dictatorial and violent forces have ultimately been defeated. We see clear defeat there, rather than compromise, yet our urge to avoid confrontation obviously leads us to suggest political solutions, with compromises and deals. Indeed, that was the source of the global political agreement in Zimbabwe, but it has not served the purposes that we hoped. Perhaps we should encourage the regional community to take a more robust political approach in Zimbabwe.
The hon. Member for Plymouth, Sutton and Devonport was right to mention China. It is clearly investing a great deal of money in Africa. It is not generally clear where that money is going, but some of it is certainly going in less than helpful directions, such as armaments and intelligence and communications capacity. China’s hand is being seen in some of the least savoury regimes around the world-we can add Sudan and North Korea and various other countries to the list-and that has the potential to do China’s international reputation a great deal of harm. Commercial logic alone should show the Chinese that investing in regimes that are inherently unstable because they rely on violence and coercion will not be a good long-term strategy for China.
Oliver Colvile: One reason that the Chinese are interested in Africa is that it is wealthy in mineral rights and such things. If the Chinese can have some control over that, they will be very happy. They are not particularly interested, as I understand it, in what takes place in the country; they tend to bring in their own workers, who do everything that they have to do and then leave. That is a big problem. Some may say that they are acting in an imperious manner-they most certainly are, and in a very big way-and we in the UK have to be most concerned about that as it could be another sparking point. We may have trouble at the moment in the middle east, but it could be significantly worse elsewhere.
John Robertson (in the Chair): Order. Interventions should be short.
Martin Horwood: The hon. Gentleman makes a good point. The risk is that the Chinese will not leave once the resources have been exploited but that its interests will continue in many of these countries. It is imperialism on the model of the East India Company, I suppose.
Imperialism is a strong word to use, but there is certainly a risk of Chinese political and commercial dominance in some of these countries, and exploitation of the political vulnerability of these unsavoury and undemocratic regimes. That, of course, raises uncomfortable political questions for China itself, but the democratic international community needs to make a stand on that question. There certainly seems to be potential for an alliance between the UK, the European Union and the democratic west and the democratic nations of southern Africa.
I turn briefly to Mozambique. It is a democracy and a member of the Commonwealth. However, the exploitation of the Marange diamond fields is allowing diamonds to be smuggled or illegally exported to avoid Zimbabwean taxation. Revenue clearly passes back to the military and the coffers of ZANU-PF. It seems to me that the Government could make representations to the Mozambique Government to take a stronger attitude to controlling the Zimbabwean border, as it is a vital financial link in the chain that supports the regime.
I shall be encouraged if the Minister has good news for us, but I realise that it is a difficult situation. However, I believe that our instinct to take a robust line on human rights and democracy and to seek internationally based co-operation as a solution to problems of dictatorship and violence will serve us well.
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