We first met Mnangagwa in a chance meeting in Borrowdale, Harare, in 1980 at Phyllis Johnson and David Lozell Martin’s house. They covered the war in Zimbabwe for Canadian and British newspapers respectively.
With my colleague at Ravan Press then, the now late playwright and artist Matsemela Manaka, we arranged with the two journalists to co-publish their book, The Struggle for Zimbabwe, simultaneously in South Africa in order to beat the virulent censorship board from banning it before we had pushed our book sales.
Mnangagwa was in the house, clarifying issues to the journalists and helping with final touch ups before production.
He warmly welcomed us stating that the hard won victory in Zimbabwe should encourage the struggle in South Africa to gain its own momentum. He then asked his aides to drive us around town for a better understanding of the challenges the new government was facing.
We placed him among an array of anti-establishment leaders like Nathan Shamuyarira, Enos Nkala, Josiah Tongogara, Edgar Tekere, Dr Herbert Ushewukonze, Rex Nhongo, Teurai Ropa, Perence Shiri, and many others whom we had looked up to for their valiant roles in bringing down Ian Smith’s Rhodesia. Mnangagwa was the special adviser to the new Zimbabwean Prime Minister Robert Mugabe.
Mugabe ran the transitional government for 10 years with 20 reserved seats for white political parties in parliament. They opened a public debate to consider a socialist construction of the economy and to be ideologically driven in the changes necessary. A new paradigm against planned economies, protectionism and high trade tariffs was strongly countering the socialist approach. They eventually accepted the “conditionalities’” of the Internatonal Monetary Fund and World Bank. Zimbabwe started on the structural adjustment programme – a Washington Consensus plan.
Southern Africa was faced with high noon changes and many of its countries were complying – or could meet up with ruin.
I met up with Mnangagwa again in 1993. He conducted a master class session for the PAC on state governance and transformation issues in preparation for the new dispensation in South Africa. He was assisting Edison Zvobgo – the constitutional expert.
Mnangagwa displayed vast experience in his presentation and kept us in stitches of laughter as he cited their blunders and their achievements when they came into power, raw from the bush war.
The crux of his input was utilising a multi-disciplinary contribution in government to start an innovative delivery of basic needs for a transitional state that cares for its entire people. This was almost akin to the modern day Medici Effect tool in management sciences to bring all on board in finding solutions.
The Zimbabwe government was non-sectarian. It worked strictly in line with directives of the Frontline states. They took in semi-conventional and non-statutory forces like the progressive Transkei and Venda armies, with the OAU liberation committee-backed Apla and MK, respectively, into training for the new and professional South African National Defence Force. Zimbabwe is therefore not a sunshine friend of South Africa.
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