The Movement for Democratic Change’s secretary for Economic Affairs Eddie Cross said the government’s manipulation of food deliveries should be referred to the United Nations Security Council as this was a major human rights issue.
United States ambassador to Zimbabwe Joseph Sullivan said though the food shortage in the country and the politicisation of food assistance by the government might be an appropriate matter for the UN Security Council he thought that linking this to human rights might be a more difficult proposition.
Sullivan said though there were numerous confirmed reports of government sourced food being used to buttress the Zimbabwe African National Union- Patriotic Front’s political fortunes, deliveries of donor food assistance seemed to be working well.
Full cable:
Viewing cable 02HARARE2368, MANIPULATION OF FOOD DELIVERIES: UNSC
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This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 HARARE 002368
SIPDIS
NSC FOR SENIOR AFRICA DIRECTOR JENDAYI FRAZER
LONDON FOR CGURNEY
PARIS FOR CNEARY
NAIROBI FOR PFLAUMER
E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/29/2012
SUBJECT: MANIPULATION OF FOOD DELIVERIES: UNSC
CONSIDERATION?
Classified By: political section chief Matt Harrington. Reasons: 1.5 (
B) and (D).
¶1. (C) Summary: The MDC’s Economic Affairs Secretary —
Eddie Cross — expressed concern about the Government of
Zimbabwe’s manipulation of food deliveries and pressed for UN
Security Council action on this as a major human rights
issue. The Ambassador suggested that the food shortage and
GOZ’s politicization of food assistance might be an
appropriate matter for UNSC consideration but thought that
linking this to human rights might be a more difficult
proposition. Cross told us that a team of South Africans was
in town exploring options for resolution of the political
crisis, and South Africa’s High Commissioner subsequently
confirmed this account. End Summary.
Manipulation of food
——————–
¶2. (C) In an October 25 meeting with the Ambassador, Eddie
Cross, Economic Affairs Secretary for the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), expressed serious concern about
Zimbabwe’s dire food shortage and the Government of
Zimbabwe’s manipulation of it. He claimed that the GOZ has
battened down the commercial supply of food by instituting a
national system of roadblocks to inhibit movement of
foodstuffs. Food cannot be transported from one place to
another, even on a small scale. For instance, a bag of flour
being taken by a friend of his to relatives in rural areas
was confiscated by police at a roadblock, and these sorts of
incidents happen regularly around the country. In addition,
during the recent rural council elections and parliamentary
by-election in Insiza, the ruling party campaigned with bags
of maize, while stating explicitly that those districts that
voted for the MDC would not be fed. The Government sells the
food it procures at a limited number of distribution centers
— manned by Border Gezi militia members — and buyers must
present a ZANU-PF card and proof of residence. Those unable
to produce a ZANU-PF card or who live in a district which
voted for the MDC are not permitted to buy food, Cross
claimed. Governor Cephas Msipa of Midlands Province does not
permit the politicization of aid in his province, but all of
his gubernatorial colleagues do, he continued.
¶3. (C) Cross declared that the denial of food to hungry
people because of their political affiliation is a serious
abuse of human rights and humanitarian principles. He said
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai was considering pressing the UN
Security Council to consider formally the Government’s
manipulation of food as a serious violation of human rights.
Cross suggested that perhaps Kofi Annan could send an
investigative team with the mandate to gather evidence and
report back to the Security Council.
¶4. (C) The Ambassador noted that there are numerous
confirmed reports of Government-sourced food being used to
buttress ZANU-PF’s political fortunes. Deliveries of donor
food assistance, on the other hand, seem to be working well,
for the most part. He said he had attended many food
distribution events conducted by WFP’s implementing partners,
and he was convinced that beneficiaries are identified in a
fair, transparent manner. Prior to the WFP suspension of
food deliveries in Insiza, the only serious problem with
international food assistance occurred in the northwestern
town of Binga, where local authorities have blocked
deliveries by NGOs they accused of favoring the MDC. The
Ambassador said we would investigate any allegations of
politicization of donor food assistance, and he encouraged
the MDC also to share specific concerns with WFP and the
relevant NGO. The Ambassador told Cross that an independent
monitoring mechanism was expected to be in place within two
weeks. Cross replied that the MDC is in regular contact with
the UN’s humanitarian coordinator — and UNDP Resrep — in
Zimbabwe, Victor Angelo.
¶5. (C) Regarding UN involvement, the Ambassador said he was
not sure that another mission to Zimbabwe is the answer.
Addressing the food shortage would be an appropriate matter
for the UN, including lack of GOZ cooperation with
international donors, but tying this to human rights would be
a more difficult proposition. Perhaps the UN Security
Council could ask UN agencies to report on the food situation
and invite outside witnesses, the Ambassador suggested.
¶6. (C) In a separate conversation with political section
chief, MDC MP David Coltart expressed anger at WFP’s
suspension of food deliveries in Insiza two weeks prior to
the October 26-27 parliamentary by-election, after three
metric tons were stolen by ZANU-PF supporters and distributed
to beneficiaries of their choosing. Coltart said the move
ensured that the only food available in the constituency for
two weeks was that provided by the ruling party, which
distributed food at all its campaign rallies. He said WFP
should have, instead, flooded the area with food and been
much more public in its criticism of the Government for
failing to arrest those responsible. Coltart was worried
that failure to resume deliveries in Binga — which have been
stopped since the MDC swept most seats in the recent rural
council elections in late September — while restarting them
in Insiza, shortly after ZANU-PF’s election victory there,
will send the unmistakeable message to rural populations that
voting for the ruling party is the only way of acquiring
food. (Comment: We asked Coltart if he really would have
been happy to have the WFP continue to deliver food in Insiza
when it could not assure it would not be seized. Coltart is
rightly angry at ZANU-PF’s behavior in Insiza, but his
criticism of WFP is misplaced since flooding Insiza with food
was hardly an option for WFP when its food had been seized.
His points about more public WFP criticism of ZANU-PF’s food
seizure and the importance of resuming food distribution in
Binga have more merit. End Comment.)
South Africans in Town
———————-
¶7. (C) Eddie Cross expressed concern that political
tensions would soon get out of hand and that the MDC would be
unable to control them. He said the South African Government
(SAG) at that moment had “a team” in town trying to broker a
political solution. He said the MDC had rejected the team’s
proposal that the party withdraw its legal challenge of the
presidential election results. Cross claimed that the GOZ
had sought the services of an Indian attorney to represent it
in this case but that he had refused, saying it was
unwinnable. Cross said the MDC believed a prerequisite to
any political transition must be Mugabe’s retirement. The
party, he said, has told the SAG that, once Mugabe withdraws
from active politics, it would agree to a transition period,
supervised by SADC, that leads to a new election held under
international supervision. The Ambassador replied that that
approach sounded reasonable, but he cautioned that the ruling
party only appears interested in a political solution that
guarantees a ZANU-PF government in perpetuity.
Comment
——-
¶8. (C) Cross’s comment on a South African team took us by
surprise, so we followed up with a couple of key
interlocutors to learn more. Gandi Mudzingwa, Tsvangirai’s
special advisor, confirmed the presence of South African
officials, but he said they were intelligence officers from
President Mbeki’s office here to test the waters for a
possible Mbeki visit. They were not selling particular
proposals, but were clearly probing for possible solutions to
Zimbabwe’s political crisis. Mudzingwa claimed they had
arranged their own travel here, outside the auspices of the
South African High Commission, and did not meet with GOZ
representatives. In a conversation with the Ambassador,
South Africa’s High Commissioner, Jeremiah Ndou, acknowledged
the presence of the team. He did not offer details on their
identities or home agency — and we did not press him on this
— but said they were in Harare “to see what’s possible.” In
any case, it appears that the South Africans are considering
ramping up their involvement in the search for a lasting
resolution of the political crisis here. We cannot confirm
whether the low-profile team members were indeed intelligence
officers from Mbeki’s office, but Ndou’s reticence to
elaborate on their efforts suggests that they could be. We
would welcome Embassy Pretoria’s perspective on this
interesting development.
¶9. (C) Cross is right that ZANU-PF has manipulated the food
assistance it provides in a variety of ways to buttress its
support and punish the residents of areas where the MDC is
strong. The delivery of international food assistance is
working very smoothly, with the two major exceptions of Binga
and Insiza. We believe the question of diverting food from
opposition supporters — when more than half of Zimbabwe’s
population is facing famine — is an appropriate issue for
discussion by the UN Security Council, but would defer to
others on whether linking this matter to human rights is the
most effective diplomatic approach.
SULLIVAN
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